John Anthony McGuckin

Источник

Alexandria, Patriarchate of

MATTHEW J. PEREIRA

The patriarchate of Alexandria flourished as one of the premier centers of Eastern Christian intellectual, ecclesial, and political life until the middle of the 7th century. Initially, the patriarchate of Alexandria was ranked second to Rome in ecclesial priority. In 381 the third canon of the Second Ecumenical Council declared that the patriarchate of Constantinople would henceforth rank higher than Alexandria and thus it assumed precedence in the whole East, a state of affairs initially resisted in Egypt. In 451 the 28th canon of the Fourth Ecumenical Council reaffirmed the priority of the patriarchate of Constanti­nople over that of Alexandria. Despite being overshadowed by the sees of Rome and Constantinople, the patriarchate of Alexandria undoubtedly set the founda­tional framework and trajectory for Chris­tian theology. For example, the Logos theologians of Alexandria, most notably Clement (ca. 150–215) and Origen (ca. 185-ca. 251), significantly shaped future patristic reflections upon the person and nature of Jesus Christ. Also,

Alexandrian hierarchs such as St. Athana­sius of Alexandria (ca. 293–373) and St. Cyril of Alexandria (ca. 378–444) advanced what would become the classical Orthodox expression of the mystery of the incarnate Lord. Within the Roman Empire, theologi­cal and political allegiances often aligned together in ways that could either strengthen or weaken any given patriarch­ate, whether Rome, Constantinople, or another major see. In this volatile context, the patriarchate of Alexandria managed to grow into a significant political force. Further, in the 3rd century, Egyptian monasticism developed into a burgeoning movement that indelibly shaped Alexandrian Christianity (Chitty 1999). In brief, the convergence of the ecclesial, political, theo­logical, and monastic streams into one dynamic confluence infused Alexandrian Christianity with long-lasting vitality. The following summary begins with a brief historical sketch of the city of Alexandria, followed by a list of the patriarchs of Alexandria from the 1st century up to the 8th. There then follows an overview of the most influential bishops, pivotal councils, and exceptional theological and spiritual movements that bear witness to the enduring significance of the patriarchate of Alexandria.

THE CITY OF ALEXANDRIA

Alexandria, founded by Alexander the Great (356–323 bce), is strategically situated at the mouth of the Nile. The city boasted two harbors and was a hub of trade routes that provided access to the Mediterranean and Southeast Asia. As an international commercial port city, Alexandria attracted merchants from all over the known world, who in turn brought their religious and philosophical traditions into the Hellenistic city. Upon his conquest of Egypt, between 332 and 331 BCE, Alexander drew up plans for the layout of a new metropolis. Alexandria was divided into five neighbor­hoods, identified by the Greek letters A to E. The indigenous Egyptians (known by the Greek abbreviation of Copts) lived in the section called Rakotis, which was located in the southwest section of Alexandria. The native Egyptians usually belonged to one of the Hellenistic religions and likely participated in the rites of one of the nearby pagan temples. The great Temple of Serapis (founded by the early Ptolemies) was located in the heart of Rakotis. The Jews predominantly inhabited a separate sector in Alexandria. Since the Jewish quar­ter was afforded a significant amount of autonomy, the Jews were able to main­tain, at ahigh level, a distinct cultural and religious identity (Haas 1977: 91–127). Jewish intellectuals, most notably Philo of Alexandria (20 BCE-50 CE), were influential forerunners that shaped later Christianity, especially through the persons of Clement and Origen of Alexandria. Alexander the Great’s successor was his childhood friend and general, Ptolemy I Soter (ca. 367-ca. 283 BCE). Under Ptolemy’s governance, Alexandria grew into a great Hellenistic center. Hellenism continued to blossom under Ptolemy Philadelphus (309–246 BCE), his son. Ptol­emy Philadelphus founded the Great Library in Alexandria, which was first burned in 48 BCE when Caesar defeated Antony and Cleopatra. In 391 the second iteration of the Great Library was par­tially destroyed during the tenure of the anti-Origenist Patriarch Theophilus (384–412). Rather than seeking the total annihilation of the library, Theophilus only ordered the destruction of the pagan library holdings associated with the Temple of Sarapis. Consequently, many of the larger cultural Hellenistic writings remained extant after the anti-Origenist movement of the 4th century. In 641 Islamic invaders captured Alexandria and possibly destroyed some of the holdings within the Alexandrian library, but undoubtedly (since the Byzantine emperor arranged a yearlong truce to allow cultural and religious artifacts to be shipped to Rome and Constantinople for safe keeping) the vast majority of materials were safely transferred. In brief, the Alexandrian library was one of the finest collections in all Antiquity. The existence of the Great Library positioned Alexandria to be the leading Hellenistic intellectual center. Origen, the first internationally respected philosopher among the Christians, based his exegetical mission on the literary tradi­tion of the library (McGuckin 2001).

Hellenism was a significant intellectual and cultural force that, to one degree or another, influenced Christianity, Judaism, and other religious movements of Late Antiquity. Ancient Alexandria has been described as a multicultural milieu, where Judaism, Christianity, Gnosticism, and the Egyptian indigenous religions coexisted with one another in an international milieu. According to some ancient observers, the lines between one religion and another were often blurred in Alexan­dria. In a letter attributed to Hadrian (Vita Saturnini 8), Christian worshippers are depicted as if they were giving reverence to Sarapis, the popular Egyptian God. Further, Hadrian observed pagans who worship­ped Sarapis in a style that resembled the Christians. The blurring of lines is further revealed by Alexandrian religious leaders, whether Christians, Jews, or others, who experimented in astrology (Vita Saturnini 8). The so-called multiculturalism of Alexandria was complex and dynamic; consequently, it is difficult to fully depict the overall situation in a comprehensive manner. At times, the various religious groups coexisted in a symbiosis wherein

Hellenism provided an overarching matrix that promoted assimilation among the reli­gious subcultures. Yet, on numerous other occasions, religious enclaves asserted their group identities over and against one another and the dominant Hellenistic cul­ture (Haas 1977: 45–90).

The Gnostic Christian Basilides was the first notable Alexandrian biblical exegete, who blossomed into a prominent figure during the reigns of the Emperors Adrian and Antoninus Pius (ca. 120–40). Basilides probably studied with Glaukios, reputed to be a confidant and translator for the Apostle Peter. Following Basilides, the influential Alexandrian Gnostic Valentinus (ca. 100-ca. 160) was almost installed as a bishop of Rome. From what we know of inchoate Alexandrian Christianity, Pantaenus was the first orthodox pedagogue residing in Alexandria. According to the church historian Eusebius of Caesarea (H.E. 10), sometime around 180 Pantaenus founded the first Alexandrian catechetical school. Clement of Alexandria succeeded Pantaenus as the leading Christian peda­gogue in Alexandria. Clement was one of the first formidable early philosopher- theologians to develop Christian doctrine through reading the Holy Scriptures, adhering to the rule of faith (regula fidei), and strategically appropriating Hellenistic thought and culture. Clement advanced Logos theology while at the same time highlighting a spiritual culture of knowl­edge (gnosis) that would have been resonant with his Gnostic contemporaries. Origen of Alexandria further developed the Logos theology of his antecedents. Without a doubt, Origen stands as the most influential theologian of the early church. Origen, even more so than Clement, was keenly aware of the usefulness and apparent dangers inherent within Greek philosophy. In Origen’s Letter to Theodore (also known as his Letter to Gregory), he explains his approach to his disciple Gregory Thaumatourgos, the later apostle of Cappa­docia. In this correspondence Origen admonishes Gregory carefully to employ Greek philosophy in the spirit of the Exodus Jews spoiling the Egyptians. Christian theologians should take from the Greeks whatever is useful for the worship of God and the interpretation of Scripture. However, Christians need to be prayerful and diligent, or else they may easily become infected by the “poisons” of paganism (see Origen, Letter to Theodore). Origen’s strategic appropriation of Greek philosophy became paradigmatic for future generations of Christian theologians.

THE PATRIARCHATE OF ALEXANDRIA

There is little information regarding the patriarchate of Alexandria from the first two centuries of the Common Era. The shared tradition of both the Greek East and Latin West affirms that St. Mark the Evangelist founded the Church of Alexandria. In a letter attributed to Clement of Alexandria, we are told that St. Mark’s witness and theology became influential in Alexandria by the 2nd century. The first attestation of Mark’s connection with Alexandria is not explicitly recorded until the 4th century (Eusebius, H.E. 2.16). In his Ecclesiastical History, Eusebius provides a list of the early Alexandrian patriarchs. However, Eusebius’s list pro­vides minimal information about the early patriarchs other than simply providing their names; further, the accuracy of his early account is controverted. Apart from Eusebius, Jerome’s Chronicle also provides information concerning the patriarchate of Alexandria. In chronological order, with the approximate dates of each tenure set in parentheses, these early leaders of the

Alexandrian Church are as follows: Mark the apostle (?); Annianus (62–84/85); Avilius (84/85–98); Cerdon (98–110), who was a presbyter ordained by Saint Mark; Primus (110–22), also called Ephraim; Justus (122–30/32); Eumenes (132–43); Mark II (143–53); Celadion (153–67); Agrippinus (167–79); Julian (179–89/90). After Julian, Eusebius provides a little more detail concerning the Alexan­drian bishops; the successive list of bishops comprises Demetrius (189/190–233); Heraclas (233–47); Dionysius (247–64); Maximus (264–82). Following Maximus, the Alexandrian bishops, with verifiable dates of tenure, are Theonas (282–300); Peter the Martyr (300–11); Achillas (311–12); Alexander (312–28); Athanasius (328–73); Peter II (373–80); Timothy I (380–4); Theophilus (384–412); Cyril (412–44); Dioscorus (444–51); Proterius (451–7); Timothy II Aelurus (457–60), a Miaphysite; Timothy II Salofaciolos (460–75), a Chalcedonian; Timothy II Aelurus (475–7), his second time as bishop; Peter III Mongus (477), a Miaphysite; Timothy II Salofaciolos (477–82), his second time as bishop; John I Talaia (482), a Chalcedonian; Peter III Mongus (482–9), his second tenure; Athanasius II Keletes (489–96), a Miaphysite; John I (496–505), a Miaphysite; John II (505–16); Dioscorus II (516–17); and Timothy III (517–35), a Miaphysite.

After the Council of Chalcedon in 451, a schism erupted between the Miaphysite and the Chalcedonian theologians. As a result of the schism, from 535 up through the Arab conquests of Alexandria, there existed two lines of Alexandrian patriarchs. The Melkite (Greek Byzantine) party supported Chalcedonian Christology; con­versely, the Coptic party supported proto- Cyrilline or Miaphysite Christology. The Melkite patriarchal line runs as follows: Paul of Tabenn (537–40); Zoile (540–1);

Apollinarius (541–70); John II (570–80); Eulogius (580–608); Theodore the Scribe (608–9); John III the Almoner (609–19); George (620–30); Cyrus (630/631–43/44); Peter III (643/644–51); uncertain gap in the patriarchate; Theodore (655 Synod); Peter IV (680 Council); Theophylact (695 Council); Onophes (711); Eusebius (?); Cosmas I (742–68); andPolitian (768–813).

The Coptic patriarchal line (with Julianists noted) runs as follows: Theodosius (535–66); the Julianists: Gaianus (535); Elpidius (?–565); Dorotheus (565-ca. 580); Theodore (575–85), who was not received by the majority; Peter IV (575–8); Damien (578–607); Anastasius (607–19); Andronicus (619–26); Benjamin (626–65); Julianists: Menas (634); Agathon (665–81); John III (681–9); Isaac (689–92); Simon I (692–700); Julianist: Theodore (695); vacancy for three years; Alexander II (704–29); Cosmas (729–30); Theodore II (730–42); one year vacancy; Michael I (743–67); Menas (767–75); and John IV (776–99).

Under the episcopate of Demetrius (189/ 190–233) the Alexandrian see increased in power and prestige. At this time, every other Egyptian bishop was subordinated to the see of Alexandria. Beyond extending con­trol over his suffragan bishops, Demetrius seized internal control within the city of Alexandria. His well-known conflict with Origen eventually led to the dismissal of the controversial Alexandrian theolo­gian, and his relocation to Caesarea of Palestine. Without a doubt, the Church of Alexandria increased in power on account of Demetrius’ astuteness and energetic zeal. Demetrius’ successor, Origen’s disciple Heraclas (233–47), continued to advance the unity and prestige of the Egyptian Church through his disciplinary action. Heraclas deposed Ammonius the bishop of Thmuis, and refused to reconcile Origen. Dionysius (249–65) succeeded Heraclas as the leader of the Alexandrian Church. From

Dionysius onward, the Alexandrian Church and its powerful bishop served in the dual role of both ecclesial and political leader in Eastern Christian affairs (Hardy 1952: 19).

Under the Edict of Decius, delivered in January 250, the Alexandrian Church endured harsh persecution. Many citizens, or at the very least those citizens suspected of being Christian, were required to show their certificate (libelli) in order to prove they had sacrificed to the Egyptian gods. The Decian persecution (250–1) was shortlived; nonetheless it significantly impacted the Christian imagination, Christian self-understanding, and the Egyptian ecclesiology specifically. The Decian persecution produced Alexandrian martyrs who served as models of piety for their fellow Christians. Following the cessation of hostilities, the Alexandrian Church needed to develop a strategy for readmitting those Christians who lapsed under the weight of the Decian persecution. Ultimately, the Patriarch Dionysius adopted a moderate position, whereby he permitted the receiving back of the lapsed after they had served an appropriate penance. Furthermore, the Christian confessors, who had often endured imprisonment and punishment during the Decian persecution, were significant actors in the reconciliation of the lapsed. In order to usher in the reconciliation of the lapsed, Christian con­fessors prayed on behalf of their weaker co-religionists. Archbishop Maximus (265–82) succeeded Dionysius; and Theonas (292–301) assumed the see of Alexandria after Maximus. By the end of the 3rd century, the Coptic language was used widely throughout Christian Egypt in preference to Greek (Hardy 1952: 34). The 4th century ushered in the momentous age of Constantine’s Christian Roman Empire.

The Arian crisis was probably the most significant theological controversy of the 4th century. It derived its name from Arius (ca. 250/256–336), a priest of Baukalis, the dockland district of Alexandria, a charismatic presbyter who gained numerous followers throughout the city during the early decades of the 4th century. Arius’ Christology was an outgrowth of the earlier Alexandrian Logos theology which failed to declare the full equal­ity of the Logos with the Father, the supreme God. Arius and those who shared similar theo­logical leanings subordinated the Logos (and de facto Jesus) below the Father, who alone was confessed as the true God. The Patri­arch Alexander (322–8) declared Arius guilty of heresy and excommunicated the popular Alexandrian presbyter. In 325, at the Council of Nicea, Arius was officially condemned. However, the condemnation of Arius only signaled the beginning of the series of ongoing theological debates that dominated the 4th-century ecclesial landscape. In 328 Athanasius of Alexandria succeeded Alexander and soon emerged as the leading proponent of Nicene theology. Athanasius’s adherence to the Nicene con­fession (though his own preference was not for homoousion but for the more explicit tautotes tes ousias – identity of essence between Father and Son) would eventually emerge as the international definitive state­ment of Orthodox Christology. However, before the victory of Nicenism at the Coun­cil of Constantinople in 381, there was intense debate throughout the era over the Orthodox expression of the mystery of Jesus Christ. In all the debates Alexandrian theologians set the tone. Following the Council of Nicea, Athanasius’s steadfast refusal to compromise adherence to the homoousion, in the face of imperial changes of policy, led to his expulsion from Alexan­dria on several occasions. In 335 Athanasius was condemned and deposed at the Coun­cil of Tyre. He returned from exile after Constantine’s death in 337. Athanasius soon fled again, this time to Rome, where he was welcomed as a defender of Orthodoxy. In 346 Athanasius was received back into the Alexandrian Church under the protection of the western Emperor Constans. However, in the same year, Emperor Constantius exiled Athanasius, who this time chose to live in the Egyptian desert. In 362, after the death of Constantius, Athanasius returned to Alexandria and presided over a synod of Alexandria which set the terms for reconcil­ing all the disparate pro-Nicean groups of the Eastern Church. He was exiled once again by the pagan Emperor Julian (361–3), but in 363, after Julian’s death, Athanasius returned to Alexandria. From 365 to 366 Athanasius endured his final expulsion.

Beyond the Arian controversy, the Council of Nicea attempted to reconcile the Melitians with the rest of the church. Melitius, bishop of Lycopolis, was leader of a Christian sect that refused to receive back into communion those Christians who had lapsed during the Decian persecution. Melitius was accused of ordaining bishops into churches where he had no legitimate authority. The Melitian account of the Decian persecution depicted Archbishop Peter of Alexandria (300–11) as one of the “lapsed” because he evaded persecution and thus forfeited the honor of martyrdom. This account of Peter’s actions led to questions concerning the legitimacy of his elevation as archbishop. The Melitians, who had the support of a synod of 28 bishops, formed their own sectarian party in Alexandria. Ultimately, the Council of Nicea was unsuccessful in reconciling the Melitians. Throughout his ecclesial career, Athanasius was often accused of being a tyrannical leader. In 335, at the Synod of Tyre, Athanasius answered those who accused him of unfair treatment of the Arians and Melitians. Eusebius of Nicomedia, a leading Arian who led the eastern anti-Nicene party, concluded the Synod of

Tyre with the deposition of Athanasius. On November 6, 335, Constantine met with both parties who participated in the Synod of Tyre, before deciding to exile Athanasius on account of allegations that he was threatening to block the export of grain from Alexandria.

From the Synod of Alexandria (362) onward, Athanasius shifted from a rather unyielding christological position towards a more open view, whereby precise vocabulary became not as important as the basic affirmation of the full divinity of the Logos. Consequently, following the Synod of Alexandria, the majority of western and eastern bishops reached a consensus. They collectively aimed to eradicate Arianism, which was officially condemned by ecu­menical decision at the Council of Constan­tinople in 381. After Athanasius became more open to compromise, he ultimately emerged victorious when the homoousion definition was received as the Orthodox expression of the status of the Divine Logos. St. Gregory of Nazianzus vindica­ted St. Athanasius posthumously when he employed homoousion theology in order to explicate orthodox trinitarian dogma (Orations 27–31). Further, in his Panegyric on Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzus can­onized Athanasius by depicting him as the father of Orthodoxy (Oration 21). Days before his death, Athanasius consecrated his successor Peter of Alexandria (Peter II, 373–80) to the Alexandrian see. After the death of Athanasius, imperial forces pro­vided the Arian Bishop Lucius safe passage to Alexandria. Soon after Lucius’s arrival in Alexandria, Peter fled to Rome. The Arian overthrow of Alexandria was shortlived. A couple of years later, Emperor Valens became preoccupied with the Gothic inva­sion from the north, and thus left the Arian cause with minimal support. In 375–6 Lucius withdrew from Alexandria and traveled to Constantinople. Thereafter,

Peter returned to Alexandria in order to reclaim the see. Upon the death of the pro-Arian Emperor Valens in 378, the western Emperor Gratian installed the Nicene General Theodosius as emperor of the East. This political appointment had significant ramifications for Orthodoxy. From the reign of Emperor Theodosius onward, the Nicene faith became the official religion of the Roman Empire.

In the 3rd century, St. Anthony the Great (ca. 251–356) began to organize groups of Egyptian Christians that fled Alexandria for the desert, where they practiced solitude and prayerful worship. By the 4th century, Egyptian monasticism had grown into a powerful Christian movement. Egyptian monasticism originated as an ascetical movement in the desert, but eventually its spirituality and theology entered into the very heart of Alexandrian Christianity and subverted even the episcopate. On account of their burgeoning success, the patriarch­ate of Alexandria was compelled to engage and control the monastic communities. The relevance of monasticism is evident in Athanasius’ Life of Anthony, which praises the virtuous life of the eminent monk St. Anthony (Chitty 1999: 1–16). The monks (monachoi) who imitated Anthony’s life of solitary asceticism were called ancho­rites (anchoretes) or hermits (eremites). These solitaries primarily lived in north­ern Egypt. On the other hand, Pachomius (ca. 292–348), according to tradition, founded Coenobitic monasticism, which emphasized communal living. Coenobitic (“common life”) monasticism was at first predominantly a southern Egyptian phe­nomenon, but it soon became the most popular type of monastic organization. In the 370s a Pachomian community called the Metanoia, or Monastery of Penitence, was founded near Alexandria (Hardy 1952: 89). Monastic communities continued to spread throughout Egypt, eventually reaching as far north as Nitria and Scete. However, after decades of growth, the Origenistic controversy seriously weakened the coher­ence of Egyptian monasticism. Initially, Origenistic asceticism had spread from Palestine and Nitria to Alexandria and Con­stantinople. Evagrios of Pontike (345–99) was one of the leading representatives of this new monastic approach that blended asceticism and Origenistic intellectua- lism (Clark 1992: 43–84). In short time this novel form of monasticism fell under suspicion. In Alexandria the Patriarch Theophilus (384–412) excommunicated his one-time confidant Isidore the Hospi­taller of Alexandria on the charge of being an Origenist. Furthermore, Theophilus accused the Tall Brothers of heresy on account of their Origenistic tendencies. The Tall Brothers consisted offour Egyptian monks: Dioscorus (a bishop), Ammonius, Eusebius, and Euthymius. In Nitria, Ori- genist monks were imprisoned; thereafter, Isidore and the Tall Brothers relocated with some eighty monks to Palestine. At this time, Theophilus convoked a synod that condemned Isidore and the Tall Brothers on account of their extravagant asceticism and their heretical speculations. In 401 John Chrysostom (ca. 347–407), who had been serving as the patriarch of Constantinople for three years, received the appeal of Isidore and the Tall Brothers who came to him in the imperial city. John’s hospitality angered Theophilus. Consequently, in a shrewd political move, serving the whims of the emperor, Theophilus procured the condemnation and banishment of John at the Synod of Oak at Constantinople in 403. Immediately afterwards Theophilus recon­ciled with Isidore and two of the Tall Brothers. After his initial expulsion, John Chrysostom was soon reinstalled as the patriarch of Constantinople. Theophilus, however, remained resolute in his opposi­tion towards John Chrysostom. On Easter of 404, Theophilus secured the final banishment of John from Constantinople. From Rome, Pope Innocent supported Chrysostom and for a short time the patri­arch of Rome broke communion with the Eastern Churches. The discord between Alexandria and the Western Churches would continue throughout the ensuing centuries. By the middle of the 5th century, Egyptian monasticism had lost much of its former energy, while simultaneously becoming an institutionalized part of the Egyptian Church.

The patriarchs Theophilus and Cyril of Alexandria (the nephew and successor of Theophilus) continued the defense and advancement of Nicene theology (McGuckin 2001). The early years of Cyril’s patriarchate were marked with political unrest. Cyril engaged in disputes with the Alexandrian civil authorities; most notably, he battled with the civil Prefect Orestes. In this volatile environment, Cyril’s first significant measure was the closing of the Novatian Church, which the Alexandrians perceived as a sectarian import from Constantinople (Hardy 1952: 104). In 415 Alexandrian civil disorder reached a crescendo. In the midst of ongoing strife, Orestes tortured Cyril’s faithful supporter, the pedagogue Hierax. In this same period, Cyril expelled a number of the Jews from the city of Alexandria in retaliation for church burnings in areas adjacent to the Jewish quarter. On another occasion, monks, who arrived from Nitria, attacked Orestes. Fortunately, Orestes was rescued before enduring much harm. The conflict finally eased up after the scandalous murder of the pagan intellectual Hypatia, who had been accused of stirring up dissension between Cyril and Orestes (Hardy 1952: 104). From 428 onward, the newly appointed patriarch of Constantinople, Nestorius, engaged in an ongoing christo- logical dispute with Cyril. Nestorius’s

Christology reflected the Antiochene tradi­tion, which emphasized (in its doctrine of the “Assumed Man”) the two natures of Christ rather than the unity of the one divine person Jesus Christ. Further, Nestorius denied the designation of Theotokos for the Virgin Mary. In opposi­tion to Nestorius, Cyril affirmed the validity of the Theotokos title and insisted on the unity of Christ, on terms wherein the single subjectivity of the Logos resided in the one divine person of Jesus, the Logos incarnate. In 431 Cyril presided over the Third Ecumenical Council at Ephesus. The final outcome of Ephesus was reached before Nestorius’s supporters had arrived from Antioch. As might be suspected, the ecu­menical verdict entailed the condemnation of Nestorius and the official reception of Cyril’s Christology. However, rather than signaling any sustained consensus at this period, Cyril’s Christology served as a reference point for the ongoing christo- logical controversy, which would rage for several centuries to come. Cyril’s early Christology was amended at the Council of Chalcedon (451) and thereafter stirred further christological debate. It was under Cyril’s leadership that the see of Alexandria grew into the largest and one of the most powerful ecclesial networks of churches throughout the eastern part of the Roman Empire. In Cyril’s tenure the patriarch of Alexandria usually consecrated all his bishops in a suffragan status. Under Cyril’s leadership the Alexandrian Church accrued great wealth through various gifts and government grants, which were intended for charitable work.

Following Cyril’s death, the patriarchate of Alexandria decreased in scope and signifi­cance. The christological controversy sparked a deep-seated division of the Eastern Church, which in turn facilitated the weakening of the patriarchate of Alexandria. Following Cyril, the Patriarch Dioscorus (444–51) staunchly defended the early Cyrilline Miaphysite theology, a Christology which tended to emphasize the Lord’s one united nature (reality as incarnate God-Man) so strongly that it verged towards a deemphasis of his real humanity. The christological con­troversy extended well beyond Alexandria; for example, in Constantinople, the Archimandrite Eutyches resolutely upheld monist Christology in opposition to Flavian, the patriarch of Constantinople. In 449 Dioscorus convoked the so-called Robber Synod or Latrocinium, which met at Ephe­sus. The Latin Church provided Pope Leo’s Tome (letter) for the consideration of the ecclesial leaders at the Council of Eph­esus II. However, Leo’s Tome seemed to provide support to Flavian, patriarch of Constantinople; consequently, it was not well received by the Egyptian bishops at Ephesus, led by Dioscorus, who all thought they had come there to vindicate Cyril’s memory. In short order, Ephesus II reaffirmed Cyril’s theology without the compromises Cyril himself had adopted in the aftermath of Ephesus 431. In 451 the Council of Chalcedon censured Ephesus II by accepting the western christological affir­mation from Leo’s Tome that Christ exists “in two natures, without confusion, with­out change, without division or separa­tion.” Furthermore, Chalcedon reversed the Robber Synod (as Ephesus 449 came to be called) and expelled Dioscorus on account of uncanonical practices.

The divisive nature of the christological debates is illuminated by the fact that four of Dioscorus’s most outspoken opponents were clerics within the Alexandrian Church, which he had governed prior to his condem­nation. The patriarchate of Alexandria became more and more marginalized over the next two centuries. Patriarch Proterius (451–7), who succeeded Dioscorus, was viewed with suspicion because many believed his installation was simply a political move. Many Alexandrians believed Proterius hardly reflected the Alexandrian ecclesial tradition.

After 451 the Alexandrian Proterians, named after their allegiance to Proterius, supported Chalcedonian Christology. Beyond his Alexandrian disciples, Proterius was supported by only a handful of Egyptian bishops, fewer than twelve in all, with the Pachomian monks living in Canopus (Hardy 1952: 115). Ultimately, the Proterians failed to gain enough support from the general populace. Upon the death of Emperor Marcian in 457, anti-Chalcedonian exiles were permitted to return to Alexandria, including some of Dioscorus’s original allies. When the Byzantine duke and his forces vacated Alexandria, the anti-Proterians, led by the bishops Gregory of Pelusium and Peter the Iberian (bishop of Maiouma, near Gaza), installed their own rival bishop, Timothy II Aelurus. Timothy (nicknamed the Cat or Weasel) was a priest from Alexandria and one of the main advocates of Miaphysite theology. He held the office of patriarch for two terms (457–60; 475–7). Following Ephesus II (449), where he was a participant, Timothy assumed the leader­ship of the anti-Chalcedonian party. He adopted a more balanced Miaphysite posi­tion than his predecessor, partly serving as a theological bridge between Cyril of Alexandria and the later Christology of Severus of Antioch. Soon after, Proterius was formally restored as the patriarch of Alexandria even though he clearly was an unpopular choice. On Good Friday an Alexandrian mob killed him at the baptistery and dragged his body through the city streets (Hardy 1952: 116). Thereaf­ter, Timothy the Cat was unable to reconcile the various Alexandrian parties. In short order, Emperor Leo expelled Timothy from Alexandria, and after Timothy’s expulsion fourteen Chalcedonian bishops served as interim authorities for the Church of Egypt. Eventually, another Timothy, nicknamed Salofaciolos (“Wobble-hat” or “White- cap”), was consecrated as the patriarch of Alexandria. After his shortlived tenure, Timothy returned once more to the see of Alexandria.

For the next couple of centuries the christological controversy continued to divide and weaken the Alexandrian Church, separating it into Chalcedonian and anti-Chalcedonian factions. In the second decade of the 6th century, Bishop Dioscorus II (516–17) advanced Miaphysite Christo- logy by recruiting allies throughout the Christian world. In 537 Emperor Justinian (483–565) installed the Chalcedonian Paul of Tabenn (537–40) to the patriarchate of Alexandria. While Paul was committed to Chalcedonian Christology, the vast majority of Alexandrian clergy remained loyal to the Miaphysite position. Following Paul’s condemnation and expulsion, other Chalcedonian supporters, such as John II (570–80), presided as the patriarch of Alexandria. However, the Alexandrian clergy and churches predominantly remained com­mitted to the Miaphysite Christology, which they saw as the tradition of their ancestors. In the 7th century Arab Islamic invasions sepa­rated the patriarchate of Alexandria, along with the rest of Egyptian churches, from almost all of their Christian allies throughout the Roman Empire. However, there was ongoing dialogue between the patriarchate of Alexandria and nearby African churches. For example, Nubian Christianity (in the area now occupied by the Sudan) survived from the 4th well into the 15th century. Furthermore, the patriarch of Alexandria remained in contact with segments of the Ethiopian Church. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church remained a daughter church of the patriarchate of Alexandria until Cyril VI, the patriarch of All Africa and Coptic pope of Alexandria, granted the Ethiopians their ecclesiastical autonomy in the 20th century.

Today, nearly 95 percent of Egyptian Christians identify themselves as members of the Coptic Orthodox Church of Alexandria. Pope Shenouda III is the current leader of the Coptic Church. Shenouda III carries the title of Pope of Alexandria and Patriarch of All Africa under the Holy See of St. Mark. The Ortho­dox Chalcedonian Church in Alexandria (now a minority of the Christians surviving there) gives its allegiance to the Greek patriarch, who for many years of Islamic rule had found refuge in Constantinople, and eventually came to be a virtual bureau appointment of the Constantinopolitan phanar. In the 20th century some eminent holders of the Greek Orthodox patriarchal office have advanced Orthodox-Islamic dialogue in an attempt to broker peace between the religions in an often tense envi­ronment of Arab nationalism. There have also been extraordinary representatives among the Coptic patriarchs of Alexandria, whose church has witnessed a renaissance in the latter part of the 20th century.

SEE ALSO: Apostolic Succession; Arianism; Cappadocian Fathers; Ecumenical Councils; Gnosticism; Heresy; Judaism, Orthodoxy and; Logos Theology; Monasticism; Nestorianism; Philosophy; Pontike, Evagrios (ca. 345–399); St. Athanasius of Alexandria (ca. 293–373); St. Cyril of Alexandria (ca. 378–444); Theoto­kos, the Blessed Virgin

REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS

Bagnall, R. S. (1993) Egypt in Late Antiquity.

Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Chitty, D. J. (1999) The Desert A City: An Introduc­tion to the Study of Egyptian and Palestinian Monasticism under the Christian Empire. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press.

Clark, E. A. (1992) The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Fraser, P. M. (1972) Ptolemaic Alexandria, 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Griggs, C. W. (1990) Early Egyptian Christianity: From Its Origins to 451 ce. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Haas, C. (1977) Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Hardy, E. R. (1952) Christian Egypt, Church and People: Christianity and Nationalism in the Patriarchate of Alexandria. New York: Oxford University Press.

Hinske, N. (1981) Alexandrien: Kulturbegegnungen dreier Jahrtausende im Schmelztiegel einer mediterranen Grossstadt. Mainz am Rhein: P. von Zabern.

McGuckin, J. A. (2001) St. Cyril of Alexandria: The Christological Controversy, Its History, Theology and Texts. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press.

McGuckin, J. A. (2003) “Origen as Literary Critic in the Alexandrian Tradition,” in L. Perrone (ed.) Origeniana Octava. Leuven: Peeters, pp. 121–35. n.a. (1987) Alexandrina: Hellenisme, Judaisme, et Christianisme a Alexandrie; melanges offerts au P. Claude Mondesert. Paris: Cerf.

Pearson, B. A. and Goehring, J. E. (eds.) (1986) The Roots of Egyptian Christianity. Philadelphia: Fortress Press.

Roberts, C. H. (1979) Manuscript, Society, and Belief in Early Christian Egypt. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


Источник: The Encyclopedia of Eastern Orthodox Christianity / John Anthony McGuckin - Maldin : John Wiley; Sons Limited, 2012. - 862 p.

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