Syrian Orthodox Churches

JUSTIN M. LASSER

Christianity in the lands of the Tigris and Euphrates and the Syrian Orient has both a rich and diverse history. The Syrian Chris­tians represent some of the last remnants of the Aramaean civilizations that populated the region for millennia. The glories of these civilizations and cultures are not merely preserved by modern Syrian Christians, but lived out. Though their numbers in the original homelands have been steadily decreasing over the past centuries, their vitality has not. Most Suryaye (Aramaean and Assyrian) peoples trace their origins to a region occupying the northern limits of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, now com­posed of southeastern Turkey, northern Iraq and Iran, Jordan, and Syria.

The Aramaean language that the Suryaye preserve in their hymns and holy books is a West-Semitic language, which is related to the Aramaic language of Jesus’ world. The Suryaye also trace their Christian roots to the cultural world of Jesus and the earliest apostles. According to traditional accounts, St. Thomas “the Twin” served as the apostle to Syria and the accounts of his adventures are recounted in the Syriac Acts of the Apostle Thomas. The Osrhoene region (now southeastern Turkey) was a crucible for new ideas and cultural exchanges between the Hellenistic West and the Orient. Many literary works existed in both Syriac and Greek, which often stim­ulated intriguing syntheses, but also precip­itated unfortunate linguistic and cultural misunderstandings (e.g., the Messalian, Nestorian, Gnostic, and Monophysite cri­ses). From earliest times the two pearls of the Osrhoene region, the cities of Edessa and Nisibis, made great strides in translat­ing the indigenous Syriac Christian experi­ence and vocabulary into the Hellenistic and Byzantine West. Even the name of the Apostle to Syria, St. Thomas, illustrates this attempted cultural transmission. The name “Thomas” derives from the Aramaic word for “twin” (toma). In the gospel attributed to St. Thomas, his name is presented as “Judas, Didymus Thomas,” which uses both the Greek and Aramaic locutions for “twin.” This construction is intriguing in that it doubles “Judas’” name so that it reads, “Judas twin twin,” emphasizing that the Apostle Judas Thomas was “twice twin” and an apostle to both the Greeks and the Aramaeans.

One of the earliest documents from Syria, the Doctrine ofAddai, recounts the alleged correspondence between Jesus and King Abgar of Edessa. While the tradition is not historically demonstrable from any other sources, it does reveal important aspects of early Syrian Christianity. According to the tradition, King Abgar sent a letter to Jesus in Jerusalem asking him to come to the city of Edessa. Though Jesus turned down the request, he blessed King Abgar and promised to send one of his disciples to heal all of the infirmities of the king and his subjects. But before the king’s entourage departed, Hannan, the king’s “painter,” tried to paint the likeness of Jesus and bring it to King Abgar. This tra­dition, as well as the variant version that recounts Jesus impressing his face upon a cloth (the icon-painted-without-hands), represents the central role that icons have played in Syrian Christianity from the beginning. After Christ’s ascension, the tra­dition recounts how the Apostle Thomas sent Addai, one of the seventy, to Abgar to heal the sick in Edessa and to preach the gospel. The Doctrine of Addai represents one of the earliest attempts to weave together the diverse traditions associated with the advent of Christianity in Syria. It specifically merges the Thomas tradition with the Addai tradition, which may have developed in different locales and time periods. It is important to note that the Manichean “apostle” to Osrhoene was also an “Addai,” which may suggest that the tradition in the Doctrine of Addai may be a later Orthodox response to the success of the Manichean missions in Syria in the 3rd century.

The traditions preserved in the Doctrine of Addai and in Eusebius’ Church History describes how a certain Palut was consecrated as the first bishop of Edessa (ca. 200) by Serapion, the bishop of Antioch. This story was also intended to establish the patriarchal jurisdiction of Antioch. However, these foundational stories must be tempered by the remem­brance that the Orthodox in early Syria probably held a minority status. According to St. Ephrem, the greatest hymnographer in Syrian Christianity, the Orthodox were not first referred to as “the Christians” but rather as the “Palutians” (Contra Haereses 22, 6, in Voobus 1958: 4), that is, “the Nicene party.” Though a bishopric was established for the Orthodox in Osrhoene in the 2nd century, the church had to oper­ate outside the Roman fold in a world where a wide diversity of Christian expressions was the norm. Within the 2nd-century cru­cible of the Syrian Orient there existed a variety of groups, including the Ebionites, “Jamesian” Christians, Jewish-Christians, Mandaeans, and the groups associated with the Pseudo-Clementine literature, in addition to many others.

The earliest chronological source for Syrian Orthodox Christianity exists in the Chronicle of Arbel, which recounts the beginnings of Christianity in the environs of the great Syriac city of Hadiab in the villages of Arbel. The tradition connects the work of Mar Addai with a certain Mar Peqida, whom Addai consecrated the first bishop ofHadiab (Voobus 1958: 5). If the chrono­logy can be trusted, it seems that Orthodoxy was established in the Arbel region in the first quarter of the 2nd century, which suggests that Christianity had already made prior inroads into the Syrian Orient.

Beyond the traditional Orthodox foun­dational stories exists the tradition associated with the Apostle Thomas, which is, in all probability, the earliest Christian tradition in Syria. This tradition is recorded in the Gospel of Thomas, the Book of Thomas the Athlete (also the earliest Syrian ascetic text), and the Acts of the Apostle Thomas. The tradition represents a surprisingly coherent “school-of-thought” that spanned more than three centuries. One of the earliest specifically Syrian titles for Christ is represented in the Coptic Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apostles. This Syrian text describes how a certain Lithargoel, playing the part of a pearl merchant, traveled the world offering pearls for free. In the story, the wealthy ignore this Lithargoel, while the poor seek merely to catch a glimpse of the pearls. The pearl in question, of course, was a metaphor for the experience of the Kingdom of God, echoing Jesus’ Parable of the Pearl Merchant (Mt. 13.45–6). The name Lithargoel is Syriac for the “the light, gazelle-like stone,” who in this story is the risen Christ offering the pearls of the king­dom. The pearl motif plays a central role within Syrian Christian spirituality, which is preserved in the Acts of Thomas as the Hymn of the Pearl. The later Syrian ascetical writers often depicted themselves as “pearl divers” seeking after the glories of the kingdom.

The temperament of the early Syrian Christians was often ascetically very severe. They are particularly known for their profound adherence to poverty and their strict exhortations toward virginity, self-flagellation, and constant prayer. One of the earliest groups was known as the benai and benat qeiama, Syriac for “the sons and daughters of the oath (or cove­nant).” These early Orthodox Christians swore an oath together, binding themselves in collective prayer, in a condemnation of wealth, in the struggle against the “world,” and to a state where spiritual marriages would replace sexual marriages. It is impor­tant to note that this group was composed of both males and females without any identifiable leadership roles. Some scholars of Christian origins now believe that at one time (an “Encratite” position destined to give way before wider church practice) cel­ibacy was required of early Syrian baptismal candidates, thus leaving a majority in the church in the condition of a long-term catechumenate. The origins of this move­ment are paralleled in the hermeneutical shifts reflected in the Gospel of Thomas and the Book of Thomas the Athlete. Later paral­lels are also manifested in the Syriac Ketaba de Maskata or Book of Steps. This uniquely Syrian late 4th-century text exhibits evi­dence of a gradually progressing modera­tion of the early Syrian severity. The Book of Steps details the responsibilities of two groups within Syrian Orthodoxy – “the Perfect” (gmiri) and the “Upright” (kini). The Upright were exhorted to live lives worthy of Christ while supporting the Perfect, who continued the practices of absolute poverty, virginity, and constant prayer. The great Aphrahat of Syria, author of the influential Demonstrations, was also a member of these benai qeiama.

Unlike the ascetics in the West, these “single ones” (Syriac: ihidaya) were both wanderers and active participants within village life. They often lived on the outskirts of villages and actively prayed for the communities that supported them. Their particularly severe form of asceticism is recounted in Theodoret of Cyr’s History of the Monks of Syria. These ascetics would deprive themselves of sleep, mortify their bodies, chain themselves, bury themselves in caves, and walk naked during the winter, among a whole host of other practices. With their long fingernails, perched atop moun­tains, and with their long wild hair, these monks appeared to resemble eagles more than humans. In the eyes of many, these spiritual athletes had already taken flight into the world of the purely spiritual. This “perching” above the world in prayer and fasting was imitated by the early Syrian “stylites” (from the Greek stylos, “pillar”). These stylites would sit atop pillars acting as intercessors between the world below and the heavens above. According to tradi­tion, the first to ascend a pillar was St. Simeon Stylites in the first quarter of the 5th century. This practice continued in Syria and the wider Orthodox world for centuries.

Any account of early Syrian Christianity would be incomplete without mentioning the towering character of Tatian (ca. 150). Traditionally a student of St. Justin Martyr, Tatian had renounced Hellenistic philoso­phy and embraced the Christian asceticism of his Syrian homeland. His greatest contribution was the Diatesseron, a Syriac harmony of the four gospels and other extra-canonical gospels. This harmony of the gospels remained one of the most important texts in Syriac history. St. Ephrem wrote a commentary on the Diatesseron and its influence beyond Syria is attested throughout the Mediterranean world and Northern Europe. Other impor­tant documents for early Syrian spirituality include the Odes of Solomon, the Gospel of the Nazoreans, the Gospel of the Ebionites, the Psalms of Thomas, and the works of Bardaisan of Edessa.

The remarkable richness of the Syrian Christian spiritual vocabulary was a cause for both controversy and inspiration. The cultural and linguistic divide widened as Byzantine control over the Osrhoene region decreased. The spiritual practices of the Syrians did not always translate easily into the Byzantine Orthodox world. These con­fusions were certainly manifested in the 4th century during what became known as the “Messalian controversy” (from the Syr­iac messalum, “prayers”). Though the con­troversy was primarily the result of linguistic and cultural confusion, there were particular Syrian elements that caused a stir in Byzantine quarters. It seems the Syrian distinction between the “Perfect” and the “Upright” did not translate well into the established hierarchal church struc­tures at Antioch or other Byzantine centers on the border with Syriac speaking lands. That the controversy was primarily linguis­tic is evinced by the extraordinary influence of the writings of St. Macarius. Most scholars agree that the writings of St. Macarius (Fifty Spiritual Homilies and the Great Letter) were actually written by a Syrian Orthodox Christian, which has led many to prefix Macarius’ name with “pseudo,” thereby dubbing him “Pseudo- Macarius.” If so-called “Messalian” spiritu­ality was unorthodox it would be difficult to make sense of Pseudo-Macarius’ popularity among so many later mainline Orthodox mystics and saints, from the time of St. Gregory of Nyssa to St. Symeon the New Theologian. The primary linguistic misun­derstanding derived from the Syrian procliv­ity to describe the spiritual struggle of the Christian in terms of the coexistent dwelling of both a demon (tendency to evil) and the Spirit of God (tendency to holiness) within the heart. Another important difference between Syrian and Greek spiritual traditions relates to the state of apatheia, or the advanced ascetic’s release from the tyranny of the passions. This state, which many Greeks assumed was impossible – or at least delusional – was for the Syrians, the natural progression of the “Perfect.” This association between perceived pride and Syrian spirituality eventually produced a unique spiritual experiment in the form of the “holy fool” as expressed, for example, in the Life of St. Symeon the Holy Fool.

The holy fool combined the severity of Syrian spirituality with a guard against the “demon” of pride. The holy fool “mocked the world” and acted in such a way that would constantly cause him to be humiliated.

These linguistic, cultural, and theological differences eventually came to a head in the Council of Ephesus I (431). After Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople, was deposed, seen as a progressive silencing ofthe ancient Syrian church language in Christology, the Syrians were progressively cut off from the rest of the Byzantine world. Later, attempts at reunification were tried, but with little success. In time the Syrian Christians splin­tered into two main groups, now often pejoratively referred to as “Nestorian” and “Monophysite.” The increased alienation of Syria made them particularly vulnerable to foreign attack. The isolated Syrians were finally completely cut off with the advent of Islam. Since the 7th century, Syrian Christians have existed as a persecuted church. Despite their tenuous status, there continued a rich literary and spiritual tra­dition within the Christian Orient. St. Isaac of Nineveh represents one of the few Syrian voices that influenced the entire Christian world. The last flowering of Syrian spiritu­ality is represented in the comedic and penetrating works of Barhebreus, bishop of Baghdad. He also epitomizes one of the most fruitful exchanges between the Islamic faith and Orthodox Christianity.

Today, the Syrian Christians are divided into a number of different churches. The Oriental Orthodox accept the first three ecumenical councils but reject the Council of Chalcedon. They are sometimes referred to as Monophysite or Jacobite Syrians. The Assyrian Church of the East represents the Oriental Christians of Syrian origin who affirm the paradigmatic standing of Nicea (325) and accept the dogmatic construct of the first two ecumenical councils, but reject the Council of Ephesus I, and advocate Christian positions dependent on the traditional saints of their church: Theodore Mopsuestia, Diodore of Tarsus, and Nesto- rius ofConstantinople. The Assyrian Church of the East has also been referred to in earlier literature as the “Syrian Church,” the “Persian Church,” and the “Assyrian Orthodox Church.” These are not to be con­fused with the “Oriental Orthodox” or the Chalcedonian/Byzantine Syrian Orthodox Christians. The Syrian Orthodox Christians, in the Byzantine sense (i.e., those that accept all seven ecumenical councils), are part of the Eastern Orthodox family of churches and belong either to the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch and All the East or the Antiochian Orthodox Church. The Syrian Christians in communion with the Roman Catholic Church who are thus part of the family of Eastern Catholics comprise the Syriac Catholic Church, the Maronite Church, the Melkite Greek Catholic Church, the Chaldean Catholic Church, and the Syro-Malankara Catholic Church.

SEE ALSO: Antioch, Patriarchate of; Apos­tolic Succession; Assyrian Apostolic Church of the East; Council of Chalcedon (451); Council of Ephesus (431); Gnosticism; St. Ephrem the Syrian (ca. 306–373/379); St. Isaac the Syrian (7th c.); St. Macarius (4th c.)

REFERENCES AND SUGGESTED READINGS

Baker, A. (1965–6) “The ‘Gospel of Thomas’ and the Syriac ‘Liber Graduum’,” New Testament Studies 12: 49–55.

Brock, S. (1988) Syriac Fathers on Prayer and the Spiritual Life. Collegeville, MN: Cistercian Publications.

Brock, S. (1992) The Luminous Eye: The Spiritual World Vision of Saint Ephrem. Collegeville, MN: Cistercian Publications.

Brock, S. and Harvey, S. A. (1987) Holy Women of the Syrian Orient. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Klijn, A. F. J. (trans.) (1962) The Acts of Thomas. Supplement to Novum Testamentum 5. Leiden: E. J. Brill.

Quispel, G. (1964) “The Syrian Thomas and the Syrian Macarius,” Vigilae Christianae 18: 226–35.

Stewart, C. (1991) ‘Working the Earth of the Heart’: The Messalian Controversy in History, Texts, and Language to ad 431. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

Voobus, A. (1958) History of Asceticism in the Syrian Orient. Louvain: Secretariat of the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium.